Africa 50 Years After Colonial Rule: From Ouagadougou to Tombouctou (Timbuktu) Africans Speak Out

Last Updated: June 07, 2010

Since the beginning of January a good friend and fellow blogger from Angola has been publishing a special series (in English and Portuguese) on the 50th anniversary of African independence from colonialism (see K Faktor 1960-2010: The Year of Africa – 50 Years On). To be more specific regarding these celebrations, seventeen nations gained their independence from European colonial rule in 1960, fourteen of which were under the rule of France (Nigeria, Congo-Kinshasa, and Somalia being the exceptions).

I do not know how many people have read Koluki’s series since she started the project but what has been somewhat surprising to me is the scarce coverage of this historic year for Africa by much of the news media outside of the African continent. If it were not for contributions online from some talented African journalists, writers and new media producers (including a small group of independent blog authors) along with a handful of international foundations and government websites, Africa’s Golden Jubilee of Independence from Colonial Rule (1960-2010) would go largely unnoticed in many parts of the world.

List of African countries which gained independence in 1960:
(Source: France24.com)

1 January 1960: CAMEROON
27 April 1960: TOGO
26 June 1960: MADAGASCAR
30 June 1960: DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO
1 July 1960: SOMALIA
1 August 1960: BENIN
3 August 1960: NIGER
5 August 1960: BURKINA FASO
7 August1960: IVORY COAST
11 August 1960: CHAD
13 August1960: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC
15 August 1960: CONGO
17 August 1960: GABON
20 August 1960: SENEGAL
22 September 1960: MALI
1 October 1960: NIGERIA
28 November 1960: MAURITANIA

What also prompted me to write about this “golden anniversary” was a brief exchange between myself and Shay Riley of Booker Rising (Chicago, USA) regarding the visit of Liberia’s President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf to Washington DC last month. President Sirleaf paid a visit to members of the U.S. Congress, the Whitehouse, the State Department, and she spent an evening with the public over at the Council on Foreign Relations.

As I expressed to Shay, Liberia’s President Sirleaf is without a doubt one of the best-loved and most respected political leaders on the African continent (from a Western democracy point of view) as well as being a key strategic ally in Africa for the U.S. Government and other Western capitals. Yet there was a lack of news coverage in the Western media regarding her visit with President Obama, Secretary of State Clinton, House Speaker Pelosi, and others on Capitol Hill and inside the Beltway. The same can be said about the visits and appearances at key events and forums on Africa this year by several of Africa’s most prominent and respected political and civic leaders. I shall get to that subject ASAP after completing this short introductory post on 50 years of African independence from European colonialism.

New Addition June 07, 2010

Adam Nossiter reporting for the New York Times may have taken a hint about the poor coverage of Africa’s 50 year independence celebrations in the Western media.  He has just published a piece about the anniversary year and has included commentary on the France-Africa Summit 2010 in Nice. Here is an excerpt from Adam’s June 4th article at The New York Times.

African States Weigh 50 Bittersweet Years of Independence
By Adam Nossiter

DAKAR, Senegal — In a fancy resort on the French Riviera this week, limousines bearing African leaders gathered at the doorstep of France’s president for the France-Africa Summit, a time-honored ritual involving pledges of mutual love and, not surprisingly, some backbiting.

Conspicuously absent from the gathering in Nice, however, was a collective reckoning of a major milestone on the calendar: It has been 50 years since many of the countries gained independence.

Unlike the glittering extravaganza on the Riviera, where extensive retinues accompanied the leaders, the anniversary — and its potential for taking stock — is passing largely unnoticed. Few official celebrations have been organized to mark the passing of five decades since France tentatively let go, albeit with many continuing ties, of 14 of its colonies; in all, 17 African countries, including Nigeria, gained independence in 1960.

Perhaps the most substantial collective commemoration is, paradoxically enough, not being held in Africa at all. Leaders from Senegal, Mali, Niger, Ivory Coast, Benin, Togo, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Mauritania, Gabon, Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Chad and Madagascar have all been invited to Paris to parade their troops along the Champs-Elysées on Bastille Day, the national holiday of their ex-colonial ruler.

Here on the continent, the few remembrances so far have at times been freighted with just as much ambiguity. In one of the rare, large-scale commemorative events, President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal inaugurated a giant bronze statue meant to symbolize “African Renaissance” on a desolate hill near the airport here. Built by a North Korean company in pure Soviet-realism style, it is 13 feet higher than the Statue of Liberty and its three gigantic figures — man, woman and child — tower over their surroundings.

But nearly everything about it has provoked controversy, rather than the outpouring of pan-African pride that Mr. Wade had hoped to generate: from the cost, in a country that ranks 166th on the United Nations’ Human Development Index of 182 nations; to the scantily clothed figures, in an overwhelmingly Muslim country (local imams raised a vigorous protest); to the questionable aesthetics of a monument that recalls Stalinist Russia rather than the distinctive Afro-Islamic culture of the Sahel. Some Senegalese debate whether the figures even look African.

Mr. Wade has said he simply traded state land, in exchange for building the statue, to the North Koreans, who then sold it at a profit; local and international media estimates have put the total cost at between $27 million and $70 million.

For some analysts here, the statue’s mixed signals symbolize this anniversary year’s uncertain meanings, calling it a monumental construction project conceded to foreigners and inaugurated in an April ceremony attended by heads of state like Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe and Laurent Gbagbo of Ivory Coast, both of whom have been the object of international scorn for their human rights records.

“The monumentality is somewhat misplaced,” said Ibrahima Thioub, a Senegalese historian who teaches at Cheikh Anta Diop University here. “Does Senegal have the resources to invest this kind of money?” Besides, he added, “Why concede the African Renaissance to Koreans? We’ve got some very good African sculptors right here.”

Elsewhere, commemorations have been sparse or marked primarily by back-and-forth visiting by dignitaries from neighboring countries, as was recently the case in Cameroon, rather than by public outpourings.

“It’s tough to mobilize people for celebrations, because the flowers of independence have faded,” Mr. Thioub said. “The last 50 years have not at all met the people’s hopes and expectations.”

End Excerpt from the New York Times.  Read the complete article here.

Lastly, President Nicolas Sarkozy of France along with his colorful and outspoken Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner hosted 38 presidents and prime ministers from Africa along with over 250 business leaders at the 25th France-Africa Summit in Nice (May 30-31). Again, if you didn’t know where to look for information about this important gathering of French and African political and business leaders the event would have passed largely unnoticed by much of the global audience interested in news about French-Africa relations. On the other hand, when one reviews the list of leaders in attendance at the summit and reflects upon President Sarkozy’s low popularity in Sub-Saharan Africa combined with the ‘Stop Francafrique’ backdown by the French government and business community last year, a lower-profile summit may have been in France’s interest. (reference the 2007 European Union – African Union Summit in Lisbon)

So, let’s start this ball rolling with an outstanding multimedia presentation from a French/German co-production here in Europe.  I also recommend that readers view the video interviews on African independence at VoxAfrica.com, a new online African TV news service based in London  I shall follow up with a seperate post about a speech delivered by one of Africa’s favorite sons (no, not U.S. President Obama) as he addressed a group of African leaders last month attending the 50th anniversary celebration event in Cameroon.

The first video presentation is from the Franco-German news and cultural TV network ARTE TV (French and German language programming) who is airing a special production about life in 12 African countries celebrating their 50th anniversary of independence from colonialism. The 12-part series is produced and narrated by journalists, producers, and personalities who live and work in each of the countries featured. I highly recommend to my North American readers that you check out the ARTE Reportage even if your French and German language skills may be a bit rusty (my Canadian visitors of course will have no problem with the French reports at ARTE TV).

The second video presentation “Africa at 50” is from the new Pan-African TV channel VoxAfrica which produces programming about Africa in both the French and English language. You can read more about VoxAfrica TV here. VoxAfrica's "Shoot the Messenger" program host Henry Bonsu is joined in the studio by SYLVAINE DE BOGOU, Ivorian Writer and Journalist, and on the telephone ALBERTO AMURGO PACHECO, Economist at the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). Also featured in the 47-minute long report is Senegalese President ABDOULAYE WADE and DIDIER AWADI, an activist and founder of the hip-hop band Positive Black Soul.

ARTE TV (France, Germany) Special on 50 Years of African Independence
Afrique: 50 ans d’indépendence – Afrika: 50 Jahre Unabhängigkeit

http://afrique.arte.tv/ (homepage of the special feature program)
http://afrique.arte.tv/blog/ (the blog for the series)
http://afrique.arte.tv/blog/?p=2715 (blog post for June 2010: Burkina Faso)

Video clip of comedian and producer Aminata Diallo Glez reporting from Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso
(Note: the rocking music tracks and HD video is simply too hot to embed here.  Check the links above.)

Note: the ARTE TV website links to full-length HD Flash videos and multimedia presentations may not work for visitors outside of the select countries where the ARTE TV network is available due to EU licensing agreement restrictions. Please notify me via the comments sections if this is the case for visitors outside of the European Union and I will try to find an alternate source for the programs.

VOXAFRICA TV
Special Report on 50 Years of African Independence
Africa at 50 | Voxafrica, La télévision Pan-Africaine


Related articles, editorials, and other resources
Last Updated: June 07, 2010

European Union
Africa and Europe in Partnership - 25th Africa-France Summit in Nice

U.S. Department of State – Bureau of African Affairs
Celebrating "Africa Day": The 47th Anniversary of the Founding of the Organization of African Unity by Asst. Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson – Ritz Carlton Hotel, Washington DC (May 25, 2010)

VOA News (Voice of America online)
'Africa Day' Tuesday Focuses on Peace and Security
Senegal Marks 50 Years of Independence With Calls For African Unity
Senegal Set to Inaugurate Towering Monument of African Renaissance

Cameroon Faces Risk of Unrest Before 2011 Elections
Cameroon Celebrates 50 Years of Independence

Afrique Avenir (French, English)
EU congratulates Africa on 50 years of democratic process
Nice Summit’s outcome: towards a new Franco-African cooperation

Chris Blattman’s Blog
(Asst. Professor for Political Science and Economics – Yale University)
Zimbabwean ambassador calls Johnnie Carson a house slave. Carson spanks him.

Foreign Policy Magazine
The Cable blog by Josh Rogin (reporting inside the US foreign policy machine)
Zimbabwe ambassador calls U.S. diplomat a 'house slave'

BBC News (UK)
French President Sarkozy backs African global role
France-Africa summit in Nice seeks business boost
BBC Focus on Africa - How France maintains its grip on Africa

Agence France Presse (AFP)
After 50 years of independence, African states reflect

France24.com
Talking Points: France - Africa: a new relationship?
Franco-African Summit: relations for the future

Radio France Internationale (rfi)
UN Security Council reform on the agenda at Nice summit
"Africa is our future", says Sarkozy at Nice summit
50 years later, Françafrique is alive and well by Christophe Boisbouvier

The New York Times
Letter from Africa - President for Life, and Then Some by Howard French
Howard W. French is a former foreign correspondent and bureau chief (West Africa, Shanghai China). He is presently teaching at Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism. His personal blog can be found here: A Glimpse of the World.

The Washington Post
In Africa, 50th anniversary of independence is an occasion to celebrate, lament

The Associated Press (AP)
Africa marks 1960, when 1/3 gained independence

Project Syndicate
Françafrique at 50 by Sanou Mbaye
Project Syndicate is supported by funding from the Open Society Institute and works with 431 newspapers in 150 countries

VAD Conference 2010 at Johannes Gutenberg University (Mainz, Germany)
Continuities and Dislocations: 50 Years of African Independence
Kontinuitäten und Brüche: 50 Jahre Unabhängigkeit in Afrika 7.-11. April 2010

Northwestern University Library - Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies
In the Spotlight: Exhibit Honors Fifty Years of African Independence

Obama in Africa: Placing the President's Ghana visit and speech to Africa under the microscope

Note: This post is a draft only version to see if my readers are paying attention. Final release version is coming ASAP.
----------------------

It would be quite silly to publish a timely piece previewing the thoughts of President Obama and his leading Africa diplomat before the president’s trip to Ghana without doing a follow-up post. Sorry about the delay but it took some time to review all of the commentary and analysis surrounding Obama’s first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States. The visit and the much anticipated presidential address to the African people was a success according to the White House foreign policy team. Many Africans were delighted about the visit and what President Obama had to say about his policies and vision for Africa (but not all). The global reactions and opinions are in and I’m ready with my roundup.

Today, a very good friend of mine who hails from the Democratic Republic of Congo is on her way from Berlin over Paris to Kinshasa accompanied by her daughters and a granddaughter. She is returning to her home for only the second time after a very long absence of about 10 years. When the bloody, violent Second Congo War broke out she was able to escape Kinshasa during the mass killings and chaos created by marauding militias under the command of former DRC President Laurent Kabila and his son, the present democratically-elected President Joseph Kabila Kabange.

In earlier conversations she described what it was like in May 1997 during a visit to her home when troops of Laurent Kabila finally took the capital city Kinshasa, sending the longtime, despotic ruler of Congo (Zaire) Mobutu Sese Seko into exile. She explained the horror of being held at gunpoint by several young rebel fighters, fearing rape and death for herself, her two small daughters and other members of her family in their house in Kinshasa, when suddenly out of nowhere a military truck full of Mobutu’s soldiers pulled up in front of the house frightening away Kabila’s marauding fighters. She was able to later escape across the Congo River to Brazzaville and catch a flight on to Europe to live with friends in exile.

This post is dedicated to my friend and her daughters who are big fans of President Barack Obama. I wish them Godspeed on their journey to the sprawling jungle metropolis on the banks of the mighty Congo River. I hope that President Obama will soon say more about what he will do to help the people of the DR Congo, especially how America can assist Congo’s young people and help to empower women and girls in this vast central African country.
---------------------------------------------------

Another friend, the editor/publisher of the African Loft asked me about my opinions of Obama’s speech before the Ghana Parliament on July 11th. I have been feeding a few updates and analysis about the speech to him and another buddy Ethan Zuckerman over at My Heart’s in Accra. Ethan, who is the co-founder of the hugely popular and influential blogger community Global Voices Online, was traveling in West Africa at the time of President Obama’s visit to Ghana. Ethan has a number of recent posts about his visit to Abuja (Nigeria) and a very touching series of posts about his return to his beloved (adopted) home Accra, Ghana. I recommend that you checkout Ethan’s latest posts to get a picture of how much Accra has changed and improved over the past 10 years. Global Voices Online has yet another very good roundup post from African bloggers re: the Obama visit to Ghana and his speech to the African people.

Global Voices Online
Ghana: Global discussion of Obama’s visit to Ghana 07/15/09

Ethan Zuckerman (My Heart’s in Accra)
Accra, fifteen years later 07/20/09
After Obama in Ghana 07/20/09

As far as my own reactions to the speech I am basically satisfied with what the President had to say and how he delivered the address. I think that President Obama said what many Americans have on their minds regarding several issues affecting African countries and the United States: from responsible governance to better aid and trade strategies, improving bilateral ties and cooperation between the U.S. and our allies on the African continent, combating poverty and working closely together during the global financial crisis, health issues, crime and security issues, and the empowerment of young people and women to help African countries build a better future for all citizens. The President spoke about all of these issues in general terms without making any major boo-boos in content or style. Now it remains to be seen how the President of the United States and his foreign policy team turn his eloquent words into actions that are measurable, effective, and make a difference in the lives of people in African countries.

America.gov – Engaging the World
Special feature: President Obama in Ghana – July 10-11, 2009
Obama Calls on Africans to Claim Their Future 07/11/09
President Obama’s Speech in Ghana (transcript) 07/11/09
President Obama Visits Ghana: Your Thoughts (global web-chat transcript)
President Obama: Taking Africa’s Questions (podcasts, video, interactive map)
America.gov – Africa news and features

By the People blog (a citizen-led conversation)
African Online Communities Buzzing about Ghana Visit – Part 1 07/09/09
African Online Communities Buzzing about Ghana Visit – Part 2 07/10/09
African Online Communities Buzzing about Ghana Visit – Part 3 07/12/09

USAU – United States Mission to the African Union
Screening of President Obama’s Accra Speech and Panel Discussion at the African Union 07/11/09

VOA News
Full coverage of President Obama's visit to Ghana (video, text, audio)
Specialists Debate How US Aid to Africa Can be More Effective 07/17/09
OXFAM USA/Foreign Policy Magazine conference on aid effectiveness
Ghana President Previews President Obama's Visit in VOA Interview 07/08/09
AU Summit Stumbles over Gadhafi Proposal 07/02/09
African Union Begins Summit in Libya 07/01/09

Foreign Policy Magazine - The Blogs
FP Passport – a blog by the editors of Foreign Policy Magazine
Obama's video response to questions from Africa 07/15/09
Over 5,000 questions were submitted and only 3 questions were answered
Grading Obama's speech in Ghana by Elizabeth Dickinson 07/13/09
Why Nigeria is miffed at Obama 07/10/09
Charles Taylor says U.S. helped him break out of jail 07/17/09

Chris Blattman’s blog
Grading Obama's Africa speech 07/13/09

Aid Watch (by NYU economist William Easterly)
Grading Obama's Africa Speech 07/13/09


However, there are a few things that I wanted my president to cover in more detail and there are one or two issues with the visit that I found rather disturbing:

Ghana Parliament Address - Broadcast Video Problems

Who was in charge of the (terrible) broadcast video transmission from the conference center in Ghana? How is it possible that several major television networks (including CNNI, BBC, Al Jazeera) could transmit clear video signals from Accra and the Cape Coast Castle during the visit while the Ghanaian authorities were struggling with ‘technical difficulties’?


Where are all of the questions for President Obama submitted by African citizens from around the world?

The White House team and the U.S. Department of State requested that questions for President Obama be submitted online and via special mobile phone lines (SMS messaging) before his visit to Ghana. President Obama answered a stingy 3 questions from the more than 7-10,000+ questions submitted by admirers (and detractors) from Africa. When is the White House staff (or the President’s foreign policy team) going to answer at least a dozen or so more questions from the many thousands submitted? At least share with us some of the questions that were rejected and why? You committed a big boo-boo with that exercise, Yogi.


Good Governance in Africa

Good governance is a pretty broad topic and how the U.S. can help African nations practice more responsible governance and achieve democracy is some pretty contentious stuff for debate. What is good governance and how do we help other nations to achieve it? Do we use the benchmarks for good governance championed by The Mo Ibrahim Foundation and Harvard University’s Belfer Center (John F. Kennedy School of Government) or do we abide by what the African Union defines as ‘good governance and democracy’ under the leadership of the present AU Chairman Libya’s Colonel Muammar el-Qaddafi?

Belfer Center at John F. Kennedy School of Government (Harvard University)
Governance and Leadership in Africa: Measures, Methods, and Results by Robert Rotberg (Chatham House UK International Affairs Journal, Spring/Summer 2009)
Strengthening African Governance: Small States and Islands Top 2008 Rankings
Researchers at Harvard University’s Belfer Center release results of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation 2008 Index of African Governance


Security, crime, growing terrorist threats and conflict resolution

The Ghanaian President, John Atta Mills, addressed the growing problem of organized criminal activity threatening countries in West Africa: drugs and contraband smuggling, human trafficking, small arms smuggling, diamonds and gold smuggling, and so forth. The problem has driven the West African states of Guinea-Bissau and Guinea to the brink of ‘failed state’ status. The U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson recently testified before the U.S. Senate Committee for Foreign Affairs about this growing threat in Africa and how it is endangering the whole world, especially countries in Europe and North America.

And then there is the unspeakable violence taking place in Somalia under the tutelage of Al Shabab and Al Qaeda. Its no wonder the U.S. President decided not to visit his father’s homeland (Kenya) on his first visit to sub-Saharan Africa. It’s just too damn dangerous with a full-blown failed state right across the border of Kenya. Good Luck to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton when she visits Kenya with a delegation of 300 Americans for the AGOA Forum in August and make sure that you take along ‘a U.S. delegation’ of about 1,000 security personnel.

BBC News
Crime lords 'ruining West Africa' 07/08/09
New report by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime says organized crime is ‘plundering West Africa’ as illicit goods flood the region

The New York Times
Fears in the West About Al Qaeda Affiliate’s Boldness in Africa 07/09/09
The U.S. military (AFRICOM) is helping train West and North African soldiers to fight against the rise in terrorist activity and attacks by Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and in the African Sahel


Darfur! Darfur! For God’s Sake, What About Darfur…and Congo, Uganda, and...?

The ongoing crises in Darfur and South Sudan (an almost fully completed genocide and battles over land rights and oil and gas resources), threats against civilians in northern Uganda (Joseph Kony and the LRA are still at-large), and the eastern Democratic of Congo (disarming the FDLR, stopping the plunder and pillage of rural villages and towns and the mass rape and violence against women and girls, halting the unabated exploitation of Congo’s minerals and timber) are all problems that deserve more attention and public comment from President Obama. This is especially ture when he is addressing all the people of Africa in a major, televised speech. I expect to hear more from President Obama and his national security and foreign policy teams about these ‘challenges’ in the coming weeks and months.

The Enough Project to end genocide and crimes against humanity
Enough Said – official blog of the Enough Project
Leading Organizations Sound the Alarm on Eastern Congo 07/21/09
Countdown to the Abyei (Sudan) Ruling: A News Round Up 07/20/09
STRATEGY PAPER: Abyei: Sudan’s Next Test 07/20/09
Eastern Congo: An Action Plan to End The World's Deadliest War by John Prendergast and Noel Atama 07/16/09
Obama in Ghana: U.S. is On Africa’s Side but Future Up to Africans 07/11/09
Obama, Africa, and Peace: reframing the overall approach to U.S. relations with Africa by John Norris and John Prendergast 01/13/09

Special projects and campaigns (Enough Project)
Raise Hope for Congo – protect and empower Congo’s women
Conflict Minerals: Raise Hope for Congo Project


Development aid and poverty reduction in the midst of a global financial crisis

It is evident that countries that donate large amounts of aid and humanitarian assistance to countries in Africa need to better coordinate their efforts with African governments and civil authorities and civil society organizations (NGO’s). It is also true that during a massive global recession foreign aid and direct foreign investment to developing countries may decline due to economic and financial constraints at home. The ‘aid vs. trade’ and aid effectiveness debates are well known to all who follow these important global issues closely, and yet we are no closer to a mutual global agreement on how foreign aid should be distributed and administered: how much aid and who should receive it, what are the conditions for receiving and distributing foreign aid, and so forth. Is Aid Dead like the controversial young Zambian economist Dambissa Moyo (and several others) say? If so, that’s great. Wow, what a big savings bonanza that would be to the U.S. Treasury and American taxpayers.

The whole global debate on aid and trade with developing nations in Africa is simply a merry-go-round spinning round and round and ending up nowhere. This impasse is not good for people in Africa who desperately require the assistance that aid should provide, and it is not good for the millions of taxpayers in richer nations (donor countries) whose tax dollars and Euros finance government aid, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund. In America more than 7 million jobs have been lost due to the economic and financial meltdown of the past few years. Where is all of this increased development aid ($$$) that the President has promised in his recent statements at the G8 Summit in Italy and his speech in Ghana supposed to come from? Obama and his foreign policy and finance chiefs need to address this question with more clarity and transparency___ for the American people and for the African recipients of U.S. development aid. Show me the money, Mr. President.

Aid Watch (a group blog edited by NYU economist William Easterly)
Don’t say colonialism! the debate on economist Paul Collier 07/08/09

CGD – Center for Global Development
CGD Views from the Center blog
State Department Launches Inaugural Review of Diplomacy and Development by Sheila Herrling 07/13/09
Obama Right to Highlight Ghana’s Success, But Will Oil Be the Spoiler? By Todd Moss 07/06/09
A Wish List for The G8 Summit by Ben Edwards 07/08/09

Africa's Private Sector: What's Wrong with the Business Environment and What to Do About It (CGD publication) 03/23/09
The White House and the World: A Global Development Agenda for the Next U.S. President by Nancy Birdsall 08/22/08
Global Development Matters – a special website on development issues for U.S. citizens, civic, business, and political leaders and decision makers
Center for Global Development : Research Topics: Aid Effectiveness
US foreign aid and development policies, aid effectiveness, CGD blog


Another point I’d like to make about increased U.S. aid and trade with Africa:

The growing influence of China, India, and Middle Eastern countries on African politics, resource exploitation, business and trade is often times in direct conflict with the development policies and poverty reduction initiatives of the United States and European countries and our closest Asian allies (Japan, South Korea, and Australia).

Programs to support entrepreneurship, business partnerships between U.S. companies and African companies, and direct foreign investment, improving the competitiveness of American companies who want to do business in Africa are sorely needed. And I am not talking about only helping organizations like the CCA (Corporate Council for Africa) which represents about 80% of all U.S. trade with African countries. What is the Obama Administration doing about The Red Dragon and other mythical creatures from the East who have descended upon the Black Continent in grand style as of late building roads, dams, schools, hospitals, and government buildings in exchange for cheap access to oil, timber, and minerals?

To date the U.S. remains the largest single (per country) trade partner with Africa followed by the European Union member states (27 in total), and yet more than 90% of our import trade with African countries is in petroleum products (oil and gas) under AGOA – African Growth and Opportunity Act. Chinese trade with African countries has increased from approximately US$10 billion in 2001 to more than US$ 100 billion in 2008. Chinese, Asian, and Gulf State countries are buying up farmland and open natural reserves (suitable for national parks, resorts, and game reserves) by the million of square acres all across Africa WITHOUT the consent and approval of African citizens. In many cases it is occurring without the knowledge of the people who have lived upon these lands for generations.

China and India alone account for more than 70% of the infrastructure construction projects awarded by African governments to foreign contractors. The billions of dollars (or Yuan) in shaky low-interest loans provided by the state-owned China Ex-Im Bank (and other Chinese ‘private’ banks) which often finances these less than transparent, no-bid transactions almost never trickles down to African-owned and operated companies and African labor (workers). When is the Obama Administration and the politicians on the Republican side of the aisle going to jointly confront our global trade allies (the Chinese, Russian, Indian, and African governments) about this unfair competition? How can U.S. companies and entrepreneurs increase their investments in Africa and compete in such an environment?

The Economist
Equatorial Guinea’s durable president: Oil makes friends of us all 07/16/09
Three decades at the helm isn’t long, says a pitiful place’s ruthless president
The United Arab Emirates and Sudan: An odd deal over land 07/09/09
Are gulf Arabs taking a chunk of South Sudan for themselves?
Chinese aid to Africa: Spreading its bets, and its gold 07/02/09
Beijing finds news friends in Zimbabwe
Land deals in Africa and Asia: Cornering foreign fields 05/21/09
The Chinese and Arabs are buying are buying poor countries’ farms on a colossal scale. Be wary of the results.

Foreign Policy Magazine - The Blogs
FP Passport – a blog by the editors of Foreign Policy Magazine
Why is Saudi Arabia buying up African farmland? 07/15/09

Human Rights Watch
Well Oiled: Oil and Human Rights in Equatorial Guinea (press release) 07/09/09
A new report by HRW shows that the dictatorial regime of President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasongo, a longtime ally and major oil exporter to the U.S.A., has reached new lows in political and economic malfeasance in the handling of billions of dollars in oil exports revenue.


Recognition of prior U.S. administrations’ work and successes in improving U.S.-Africa policy and bilateral relations

As many a foreign policy wonk has correctly pointed out, the Obama Administration has a hard act to follow in Africa due to the initiatives and programs of the previous U.S. administration under the leadership of President George W. Bush, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Secretary Colin Powell, and Assistant Secretary of State Jendayi Frazer___ just to name a few.

Interestingly, President Obama has yet to acknowledge (in public) the successes of his predecessors in dealing with African leaders, crises and issues that threaten and challenge not only the people of Africa but the people of America too. It’s time to stop playing politics re: the advances made on U.S.-Africa policy over the past many years and give credit where credit is due. It may help the Obama Administration and the Democrats with problems they are having with the loyal opposition re: domestic issues such as health care reform and selecting the next Supreme Court Justice. Then again, these people are politicians so just forget that brilliant idea.

The Economist
Barack Obama and Africa: How different is his policy? 07/16/09

End of Part 1 of the Obama Speech in Ghana Global Reaction Roundup


Additional articles, editorials, and resources

CSIS – Center for Strategic and International Studies
‘U.S. Africa Policy beyond the Bush Years: Critical changes for the Obama Administration’ by Jennifer G. Cooke and J. Stephen Morrison
(CSIS book release, multimedia, roundtable event) – April 10, 2009
CSIS Press Briefing: President Obama’s Trip to Russia, the G8, and Ghana 07/02/09
AFRICOM: Rationales, Roles, and Progress on the Eve of Operations 07/23/08
China in Africa: Implications for U.S. Policy 06/04/08

Council on Foreign Relations (CFR.org)
Publications
Beyond Humanitarianism: What you need to know about Africa and why it matters edited by Princeton N. Lyman and Patricia Lee Dorff – September 2007
Princeton N. Lyman is an adjunct senior fellow for Africa Policy Studies at CFR
A ‘must-read’ in depth report on U.S.-Africa policyPrepared Testimony on Strengthening U.S. Diplomacy to Anticipate, Prevent, and Respond to Conflict in Africa by Princeton N. Lyman – April 21, 2009


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Obama in Africa: President Obama speaks to allAfrica.com about U.S.-Africa Policy

The pan-African news distributor allAfrica Global Media* (allAfrica.com) is publishing a number of articles and editorials regarding President Obama’s planned visit to Ghana on July 10-11, 2009. Last week I read an exclusive interview granted to Charles Cobb Jr., Reed Kramer, and Tamela Hultman by U.S. President Barack Obama and another interview given by his point-man for U.S.-Africa policy, Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson (Bureau of African Affairs). I found that the interview with Assistant Secretary of State Carson went into more detail on U.S.-Africa policy under the Obama Administration than what the President had to say in answering questions posed by the allAfrica.com journalists. Links to both interviews and embedded video files are provided at the end of this post.

There has been a great deal of speculation by experts, pundits, and journalists about Obama’s Africa Policy (and long term U.S.-Africa policy in general) over the past 24 months, therefore it is great to have an opportunity to hear directly from the U.S. president and his top diplomat for Africa before tomorrow’s historic visit to Ghana. Here is an excerpt from the allAfrica.com interview with President Obama:

allAfrica.com
Washington D.C. – July 2, 2009
Africa: U.S. Wants to Spotlight 'Successful Models' And Be An 'Effective Partner' - Obama

Washington, D.C. — Barack Obama makes his first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as president of the United States next week, following a trip to Russia as well as to Italy, where he will participate in a meeting of industrialized nations known as the G8. AllAfrica's Charles Cobb, Jr., Reed Kramer and Tami Hultman went to the White House to explore President Obama's views on Africa in advance of his visit. The interview took place in the Blue Room.Charles Cobb posed the questions.

allAfrica.com - We asked visitors to our site, allAfrica.com, what they might be interested in with respect to your policy. And as you might imagine, the responses are everywhere: conflict resolution, development issues, trade issues, et cetera. But they and we have one immediate question: How is it that you happened to pick Ghana as the first place to visit in sub-Saharan Africa?

President Obama - Well, part of the reason is because Ghana has now undergone a couple of successful elections in which power was transferred peacefully, even a very close election. I think that the new president, President Mills, has shown himself committed to the rule of law, to the kinds of democratic commitments that ensure stability in a country. And I think that there is a direct correlation between governance and prosperity. Countries that are governed well, that are stable, where the leadership recognizes that they are accountable to the people and that institutions are stronger than any one person have a track record of producing results for the people. And we want to highlight that.

allAfrica.com - And I assume that you'd like to see a lot more 'Ghanas' in Africa. And part of your policy would be, I assume, to encourage that.

President Obama - Absolutely.

allAfrica.com - How?

President Obama - Well, part of it is lifting up successful models. And so, by traveling to Ghana, we hope to highlight the effective governance that they have in place.

I don't think that we can expect that every country is going to undergo these transitions in the same way at the same time. But we have seen progress in democracy and transparency and rule of law, in the protection of property rights, in anti-corruption efforts. We have seen progress over the last several years; in some cases, though, we're also seeing some backsliding. In my father's own country of Kenya, I'm concerned about how the political parties do not seem to be moving into a permanent reconciliation that would allow the country to move forward. And Kenya is not alone in some of the problems that we've seen of late, post-election or pre-election.

And we just want to make sure that people are mindful that this isn't just some abstract notion that we're trying to impose on Africa. There is a very practical, pragmatic consequence to political instability and corruption when it comes to whether people can feed their families, educate their children, and we think that Africa - the African continent is a place of extraordinary promise as well as challenges. We're not going to be able to fulfill those promises unless we see better governance.

allAfrica.com - Do you have priorities in terms of countries or regions? For instance, West Africa is extremely important in terms of oil; East Africa in terms of some of the strategic concerns of the United States?

President Obama - I think the entire continent is important. And keep in mind that although I'm visiting Ghana on this particular trip, we've already had [Prime Minister] Tsvangirai of Zimbabwe in the Oval Office. We've had [President] Kikwete from Tanzania in my office. And in each case, I'm trying to send the same message. You've seen some very good work by the administration in Tanzania focusing on how to deliver concrete services to the people, and wherever folks want to help themselves, we want to be there as a partner. And I think that you've got some very strong leadership in Africa that is ready to move forward and we want to be there with them.

On the economic front, that means opening up better trade opportunities. It means that we are interested not just in foreign aid, but in how we strengthen the capacity for development internally in these countries, and we want to work in a multilateral context, as well as the bilateral strengthening of relations with many of these countries.

But as you point out, there are strategic, national security, economic, environmental reasons why we think this region is important. And part of the reason we wanted to - although we're only going to one country this time, I actually thought that it made sense for us to connect a trip to Ghana to a previous trip with the G8. We'll be meeting a number of African countries in Italy during the G8 meeting - before that, a meeting in Russia - to show that Africa is directly connected to our entire foreign policy approach; that it's not some isolated thing where once every term you go visit Africa for a while to check that box, but rather it's an ongoing part of a broader discussion about how we move many of these international challenges forward.

End Excerpt____ Read the complete transcript and watch the video at allAfrica.com

Note*: allAfrica.com, with offices in Washington D.C., Johannesburg, Dakar, and Lagos publishes news submitted from more than 130 African newspapers and magazines. The company has a staff of journalists and news editors who cover and report exclusive news about Africa for the network. A favorite website for blog authors who write about Africa, allAfrica.com has a global audience generating 12 million monthly page views and over 14,000 websites carry their headlines and news feeds.

What has been very pleasing to see is that leading news organizations are beginning to pick up on the allAfrica.com interview since I first viewed it last week. I forwarded a notification about the interview with the U.S. president to friends at The African Loft (USA) and to Uganda’s leading investigative journalism newspaper The Independent in order to help spread the news online. Today I see that ABC News, Reuters, The Christian Science Monitor, and others have begun to reference the allAfrica.com interview in their respective articles, editorials, and blog posts. This may be another sign that cooperation and interplay between global bloggers and professional journalists is working and helping to improve news media and not destroying mainstream news as many people claim.

The African Loft (USA)
Obama Primed for Ghana Visit 07/03/09
Opinion: Obama in Africa: Nigeria’s Envy 07/08/09

The Independent (Uganda)
Uganda Talks (The Independent’s news blog)
Obama’s Africa Interview 07/07/09
Cover Story: Secrecy, woes, war over Uganda's (vast) oil reserves 07/07/09
According to a recent survey by U.S. government oil and gas experts Uganda has oil and gas reserves in the Albertine rift valley that could rival those of Saudi Arabia

The White African (one of the top bloggers on Africa and technology) 07/03/09
Obama’s New Media Strategies for Ghana

So without any further ado or commentary from yours truly below please find news articles, interviews, and editorials about President’s upcoming visit to Ghana that I feel are important for my readers and visitors. In the meantime I shall continue working on trying to understand the impact of events that unfolded at the 13th African Union Summit of Heads of State and Government in Sirte, Libya last week and prepare a post about that important meeting and its possible affects on future U.S. foreign policy toward African countries and the African Union.


allAfrica.com’s YouTube Channel
President Obama Talks to AllAfrica at the White House - Part 1 (video 9:35)



President Obama Talks to AllAfrica at the White House - Part 2 (video 6:19)



Related news articles, editorials, interviews, and other resources

allAfrica.com
Africa: U.S. Wants to Spotlight 'Successful Models' And Be An 'Effective Partner' - Obama 07/02/09 - Exclusive interview with U.S. President Barack Obama on Africa

Africa: Obama Administration Tackling Wide Range of African Issues - Johnnie Carson 07/01/09 - Exclusive interview with U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson

U.S. State Department Bureau of African Affairs
U.S. Mission to the African Union – About Us
AFRICOM – U.S. Africa Command

America.gov – official website operated by the U.S. Department of State and the White House new media teams
President Obama in Ghana
Articles at America.gov related to President Obama’s policy agenda for Africa

VOA News (USA)
Africans Await President Obama's Message with Great Anticipation 07/09/09
Ghana President Previews President Obama's Visit in VOA Interview 07/08/09
Note: a VOA exclusive interview with Ghana President John Atta Mills
Ghana Backs Blocking ICC Arrest Warrant Against Sudanese President 07/08/09

Reuters (International)
Obama's Africa visit prompts Nigerian, Kenyan angst 07/03/09

The Christian Science Monitor (CSMonitor.com)
Africa awaits Obama's turn on leadership 07/08/09
The Monitor’s editorial board shares its view on Obama’s trip to Ghana
Where rich countries are buying farmland (Africa) 07/08/09
Saudi Arabia has cut several deals, most recently in Tanzania

ABC News (USA)
Political Punch blog by senior White House correspondent Jake Tapper
Kenya Dig It? President Obama Talks Africa, Chastises Politics in Late Father's Homeland 07/05/09

The Hill (Washington DC, USA)High expectations ahead of historic trip to Africa 07/08/09


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Laos: A Cry to Heaven Part 3 - Geopolitics & Money

Note: I was getting really bummed out for several days in trying to successfully bring this sad story about the Lao Hmong to an end and press on with new material. But then I read some news today about the continuing struggles of desperate people trying to escape the oppressive regime in Burma (CNN) only to lose their lives through suffocation in an overheated, abandoned freight container at the Thai border. The independent Thai newspaper The Nation (Bangkok) has a good editorial about the tragedy “Deaths of Burmese bring shame on us”. The Irrawady news magazine published an earlier report titled “Migrants are Not Commodities” about Thailand’s love-hate relationship with illegal and legal migrant workers from Burma, Cambodia, and Laos. Human trafficking for prostitution and dirt cheap (slave) labor is becoming a huge problem down in paradise.

The Lao Hmong refugees featured in this series of posts have been on the run since 1975 after suffering decades of civil war and the loss of over one third of their people, and they continue to fight for their lives to this very day. Who am I to think that I should give up on their story when they have been able to hold on for so long?

One thing that I have learned about this little known humanitarian crisis is that nothing is as simple as it seems. The historical and cultural relationships between the various ethnic groups of the Mekong region, the way governments function domestically and interact with neighboring countries, the geo-politics of foreign governments and international aid and development organizations, foreign investors and businesspeople: all play an important role in the lives of “the forgotten veterans” and the 500 million other people living in SE Asia today.

So let’s press on, shall we, and see where this interesting story leads us.

Part 3 of “Laos: A Cry to Heaven in the Land of a Million Elephants”
Read Part 1 and Part 2 of the series

The growing political and economic relationships between the Lao PDR, China, Thailand, and Burma (Myanmar) have been garnering attention in the international press over the past several months, especially after the successful conclusion of the Greater Mekong Sub-region Summit in Vientiane, Laos in March. According to an April 7th Associated Press article, Laos Fears China’s Footprint, the People’s Republic of China has been the subject of deep concern among citizens in the Lao capital Vientiane. Their angst is over a dubious “land for loans” deal between the Lao regime and the Chinese government in exchange for building a new sports complex on prime natural wetlands on the outskirts of the Lao capital. Reuters reports these same fears extend to villagers living in rural parts of the country because of growing foreign investment in rubber plantations and the agri-business sector. The Lao Deputy Prime Minister was forced to give a rare public news conference in February to defuse Vientiane residents’ fears of a “Chinese invasion”. KPL Lao News Agency had reported that a rumored 50,000 Chinese workers were poised to move into the capital city of 460,000 residents.

This has not been a good week for China in the world press and international news media as we all know, and to make matters worse India is continuing to move in on China’s economic and political territory in Southeast Asia.

So where does America and other countries fit into this picture of renewed economic growth and progress toward better governance in the Mekong region? I would have guessed that the U.S. has little influence over certain Mekong countries due to the terrible legacy of the Vietnam War and thorny issues such as UXO (unexploded ordnance) cleanup and MIA/POW’s. The same legacy would presumably apply to France (1st Indochina War) and America’s close allies in the Vietnam War: South Korea, Thailand, Taiwan, Philippines, Australia, and New Zealand.

Presuming that the U.S.A. has limited political and economic leverage with key GMS countries (Vietnam, Laos and Burma) would be logical, but ill informed. Here are two views from one well know Southeast Asian scholar that tell a different story.


Shifting Alliances and Economic Opportunity in Southeast Asia
(Continued from Part 2)

China is very eager to increase trade with the GMS countries and expand its influence there. In a report published in 2005 by Dr. Ian Storey, a fellow at the Institute for Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, he states the following:

China and Vietnam's Tug of War over Laos by Dr. Ian Storey
AsiaMedia newsletter at UCLA Asia Institute – June 7, 2005

In at least one Southeast Asian country -- Laos -- the competition for influence is not between the US and China, but between historic rivals China and Vietnam, writes Ian Storey

Much has been written on the competition for influence in Southeast Asia among the Great Powers, particularly the United States and China, and how Beijing has made significant inroads in this respect over the past few years. However, in at least one Southeast Asian country – Laos – the competition for influence is not between the U.S. and China, but between historic rivals China and Vietnam. The United States is not a major player in Laos – its interests are narrowly focused on resolving Prisoner of War/Missing in Action (POW/MIA) issues left over from the Vietnam War, and securing Laotian cooperation in the "war on terrorism." In fact, until December 2004 Laos was one of only three countries (the other two being North Korea and Cuba) denied Normal Trade Relations (NTR) with the United States. Although Japan is the largest provider of aid to Laos, it has not translated this largesse into political influence.

The Lao People's Democratic Republic (LPDR) is a small, underdeveloped country situated in the heart of mainland Southeast Asia. As the only landlocked country in the region, it is bordered by China, Vietnam, Thailand, Burma, and Cambodia. Subsistence farming employs more than 80 percent of its 5.7 million people, reducing Laos to the status of one of the poorest countries in Asia. Laos is ranked 135th in the United Nation's 2004 Human Development Index of 177 countries, the lowest of any member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which Laos joined in 1997. The LPDR has a per capita income of around $300.

Laos is one of only five remaining communist countries in the world. Since its foundation in December 1975, the LPDR has been ruled by the Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP). For the first decade of its existence, Laos had a "special relationship" with Vietnam which was built on the close links forged between the LPRP and Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) in the 1930s. These links enabled Hanoi to exercise a controlling influence over the Lao communist movement during the "thirty years struggle" (1945-1975), despite the fact that Beijing essentially underwrote the Pathet Lao's (the LPRP's military wing) war effort. In 1977, Laos and Vietnam entered an alliance which caused severe strains in Lao-PRC relations. These strains were exacerbated in 1978 when Laos supported Vietnam's occupation of Cambodia.

From the mid-1980s, however, Laos sought to decrease its dependence on Vietnam by reaching out to the United States, China, and ASEAN countries. Vientiane's motive was primarily economic: aid from the USSR and Vietnam was drying up, and Laos looked to more economically advanced countries to help rejuvenate the moribund economy. In the post-Cold War era, three countries dominate Lao foreign relations: Vietnam, Thailand, and China.

Although Vietnam is no longer the cornerstone of Lao foreign policy, close personal relations between Laotian and Vietnamese leaders have ensured the survival of the "special relationship." It was Hanoi that enabled the LPRP to achieve power, something elderly LPRP cadres are not apt to forget. Although the 1977 alliance was allowed to lapse in 2002, the two countries continue to maintain close security links. Vietnam is also Laos' second biggest trading partner.

Thailand's interests in Laos are predominantly economic. Prior to the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, cultural and linguistic advantages enabled Thailand to establish itself as Laos' primary economic partner. However, this situation was not met with unbridled enthusiasm by the Lao government, which feared becoming over-dependent on the Thai economy. These fears proved prescient; when the Thai economy buckled in mid-1997, the ripple effect on Laos in terms of lost trade and investment was severe. Nevertheless, Thailand remains Laos' leading trade partner, taking nearly 50 percent of its exports. But Bangkok's political influence is limited since Laotians perceive Thais to be overbearing and arrogant, and Lao nationalism tends to orient itself against Thailand.

In 1988, Beijing and Vientiane normalized relations, and since the Asian Financial Crisis China's profile in the LPDR has increased considerably. China's interests in Laos are threefold. The first is China's strategic imperative of fostering close relations with all countries along its borders. Beijing's ultimate aim is to displace the political influence of other countries in Laos, primarily Vietnam but also Thailand. Second, Laos' geographic position makes it a useful conduit through which Chinese goods from its Southwest provinces can flow into the Thai market. Since 2000, Beijing has paid special attention to the development of Laos' transportation infrastructure, particularly highways linking China with Thailand. Vientiane itself has been keen to promote itself as a "landlinked" country rather than a landlocked one, though it recognizes that China and Thailand stand to gain the most. Third, the PRC has expressed a strong desire to increase imports of natural resources from Laos, including timber, iron ore, copper, gold, and gemstones.

END excerpts___ Links to external websites added to original text for clarity

Now have a look at the Geopolitical Strategic View of the region from the same expert two years later in a paper published for the US Army War College – Strategic Studies Institute.

The United States and China-ASEAN Relations: All Quiet on the Southeast Asian Front by Dr. Ian Storey, October 2007

Summary

While the overall security situation in Southeast Asia is something of a mixed bag with grounds for both optimism and pessimism, one of the most encouraging trends in recent years has been the development of the Association for Southeast Asian Nation’s (ASEAN) re-lations with major external powers. Relations between China and ASEAN in particular have demonstrated a marked improvement over the past decade, thanks to a combination of burgeoning economic ties, perceptions of China as a more constructive and responsible player in regional politics, and Beijing’s “charm offensive” toward Southeast Asia. Overall, the development of ASEAN-China relations poses few security challenges to the United States: Good relations between China and ASEAN enhance regional stability, and a stable Southeast Asia is clearly in America’s interests, especially with Washington focused on events in the Middle East. Although ASEAN-China relations are very positive, this does not necessarily mean the United States is losing influence in Southeast Asia, or that ASEAN members are “bandwagoning” with China. In fact, they are hedging by keeping America engaged and facilitating a continued U.S. military presence. While ASEAN-China relations are relatively benign today, several sources of potential friction could create problems in Sino-U.S. relations: these are Taiwan, Burma, and the South China Sea dispute. This monograph examines each of these scenarios in turn.
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Depending on one’s perspective, Southeast Asia in the early 21st century is either a glass half full or a glass half empty. The glass is half full in the sense that for the majority of countries in Southeast Asia, these are relatively stable, peaceful, and prosperous times. The economies of the region have either recovered fully, or are well on their way to full recovery, from the disastrous 1997-98 Asian Financial Crisis. Singapore and Malaysia have registered strong economic growth, while Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors, and in 2006 its gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate was second only to the PRC in Asia. Indonesia and the Philippines are experiencing good levels of growth (5-6 percent), while even Laos and Cambodia are achieving respectable levels of GDP growth. At the political level, the region has witnessed smooth leadership transitions in several countries (Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Vietnam) and, most importantly, democracy is being consolidated in Indonesia, Southeast Asia’s largest, and arguably most important, country. Indonesia is also witnessing perhaps the world’s most successful peace process in Aceh. At the security level, although territorial disputes continue to simmer, there is no danger that any of these will result in outright conflict. Indeed the chance of interstate conflict between the ASEAN states is almost (but not entirely) unthinkable. Transnational terrorist networks such as Jemaah Islamiyah have been disrupted (but not destroyed); piracy attacks are down thanks partly to the cooperative efforts of Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia; and in the Philippines, there are cautious grounds for optimism that a peace deal for Mindanao can be concluded in 2007. At the corporate level, ASEAN has embraced a vision for the future—the ASEAN Community 2015—and efforts are underway to frame a charter for the next ASEAN summit in November 2007 which will give the organization legal underpinnings for the first time ever.

However, these developments do not mean that this observer has adopted a pollyannaish view of Southeast Asia. The glass is half empty in the sense that the region faces a host of serious security challenges, particularly transnational threats such as terrorism; communal and sectarian violence; and illegal trafficking in drugs, small arms, and people. Politically, the September 19, 2006, coup in Thailand, and continued rumors of coups in the Philippines, underscored the fragility of democratic institutions in Southeast Asia. Except for one or two countries, poor governance—corruption, lack of transparency and accountability, political instability, absence of rule of law, and ineffective government—remains widespread across the region. And while Aceh is a success story, the level of violence in Southern Thailand is escalating at an alarming rate. Moreover, some countries in Southeast Asia show characteristics of near-state failure, with Burma being the leading example. And while ASEAN has adopted a clear blueprint for the future, it remains to be seen whether the radical proposals suggested at the ASEAN Summit in Cebu, the Philippines, in January 2007, will survive the negotiations and expected opposition from newer members such as Burma.

One area where optimism is well-founded is ASEAN’s relations with major external powers such as the United States, China, Japan, and India. Relations between ASEAN and these countries have arguably never been better, particularly at the government-to-government level. ASEAN as a group conducts regular meetings and summits with its external partners, and several—including China, Japan, and India—have already acceded to the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) which is basically a code of conduct that governs relations among the ASEAN states and external powers. ASEAN remains in the driver’s seat in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and East Asia Summit (EAS) processes. Trade between the ASEAN states and China, Japan, and the United States is booming, and free trade negotiations between the member states and these countries will likely bolster this trend. At the security level, there is unprecedented cooperation between the ASEAN members and extra-regional powers, particularly over transnational security threats.

As both sides are happy to concede, relations between ASEAN and the PRC are at an historic high. Trade and investment ties are booming, and the PRC is widely perceived in Southeast Asia as the Asian growth engine that is largely responsible for helping the ASEAN economies recover from the 1997 economic crisis. The two sides have concluded a raft of agreements, developed a roadmap for future relations, and relegated formerly contentious security issues to the backburner. Overall, the burgeoning relationship between ASEAN and China is, I would aver, good news for the United States. The United States has a vested interest in a peaceful, stable, and prosperous Southeast Asia. It allows the United States to focus on more pressing issues in the Middle East (Iraq, Afghanistan, and Iran’s nuclear ambitions) and Northeast Asia. Indeed, the security dynamics in Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia are very different. Whereas in Northeast Asia the major security issues stem from bilateral disputes and rivalries (i.e., North and South Korea, China and Taiwan, China and Japan), in Southeast Asia security issues are largely internal in nature (separatism, insurgency, and terrorism). By and large, these are not issues that create severe tensions between Southeast Asian states and external powers, and, on the contrary, they have engendered good cooperation.

There are, in my view, few potential challenges for the United States vis-à-vis improved ASEAN-China relations, at least in the short-to-medium term. Although China’s economic, political, and even military profile has been rising in Southeast Asia for more than a decade, this does not mean that the ASEAN states have lost interest in the United States, or that the PRC is on the cusp of becoming Southeast Asia’s regional hegemon. Southeast Asian countries value the United States as a trade and investment partner and, perhaps more importantly, still view it as Asia’s key off-shore balancer.

End excerpts____

At the end of the day, it’s all about the money. Commerce, trade and political stability will trump ‘human rights’ concerns every time.

Also have a look at the following articles and reports:
Heritage Foundation: Enabling ASEAN’s Economic Vision
China Development Brief: Communist capital flows downstream: China’s aid to Laos

End Part 3: A Cry to Heaven in the Land of a Million Elephants
Part 4 coming soon

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